The Poor Are More Generous Than the Rich: The Key to Greater Generosity

One little-noted aspect of Hope Consulting’s Money For Good report about which we wrote yesterday:

As it asks why donors don’t rely more on research before they decide where to give, the report studied households with incomes over $80,000, oversampling households with incomes over $300,000, noting:

These individuals [with household incomes over $80,000] represent the top 30% of US HHs in terms of income, and make 75% of charitable donations from individuals. We oversampled individuals with household incomes over $300,000, due to these individuals’ disproportionate share of charitable contributions and investments.

True, that. As Arthur C. Brooks notes:

The [2000 Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey] indicates that the wealthiest 10 percent of households are responsible for at least a quarter of all money contributed to charity, including a fifth of what is funneled to religious organizations and about a third of what goes to secular causes. Philanthropy scholars consistently find that households with total income exceeding $1 million (about 7 percent of the U.S. population) account for about half of all charitable donations. Simply put, your local United Way would probably close down were it not for the rich people in your community.

Brooks’ post, however, is part of an overall Portfolio.com piece entitled The Poor Give More, which details and discusses the widely substantiated phenomenon that though rich people give more money on the whole, they are far less generous than poor people when giving is considered as a percentage of income:

Americans at the bottom of the income-distribution pyramid are the country’s biggest givers per capita. (View average household donations and the percentage of income donated to charity.) The 2000 Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey shows that households with incomes below $20,000 gave a higher percentage of their earnings to charity than did any other income group: 4.6 percent, on average. As income increased, the percentage given away declined: Households earning between $50,000 and $100,000 donated 2.5 percent or less. Only at high income levels did the percentage begin to rise again: For households with incomes over $100,000, the number was 3.1 percent.

So the poor give more. But why? Brooks:

One typical explanation is that the working poor tend to belong to religious congregations that are relatively literal about biblical imperatives to give. The S.C.C.B.S. shows that in 2000, poor American families were roughly twice as likely as their middle-class counterparts to be Seventh-Day Adventists, Pentecostals, or Jehovah’s Witnesses.

Hm.

Count me statistically suspicious as regards such an explanation. Are there really so many poor and pious Jehovah’s Witnesses in America as to be able to swing the statistics so significantly and conclusively?

Disappointingly little research has been done in this area, likely because the charitable giving of the poor as a total dollar figure pales in comparison to the charitable giving of the rich.

Fortunately, that leaves ample room for hacks like me to posit alternate explanations, like this one:

The poor are more generous than the rich because the poor have no choice but to be directly involved in the causes to which they give.

Alleviating poverty, after all, is not a question that the poor have to research. They are confronted by it daily. It engulfs their friends and family. They don’t need to ask whether it makes a difference because in many cases they themselves alternate between being donors and being recipients.

I know this not from postdoc research which I received funding to conduct. I know this from having served as a pastor in an inner city, where prior to passing the offering plate on Sunday morning we were fond of saying, “If you have, you give. If you need, you take.”

Why does this matter?

Because if it’s true, then we’ve been handed the key to increasing generosity for everyone. That key is not demonstration of efficiency and effectiveness, as the Money For Good study contends.

The key is direct involvement with the cause.

There is something that smacks about common sense in that assertion, after all. Seldom do we hear stories–and seldom do we tell stories–about how we or others were moved to give because we found a charity that was really making a difference.

But often we hear stories about how our finances were turned upside down because a need with a name and a face crossed our path and clutched our heart and wouldn’t let us go until we had fundamentally changed in our view of ourselves and of the world and of our purpose in it.

Stories like this.

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Affiliation vs. Investment: Why Donors Don’t Do More Research Before They Give

Much to-do (rightfully) these days about Hope Consulting’s report,  Money for Good: The US Market Opportunity for Impact Investments and Charitable Gifts from Individual Donor and Investors.

Upshot of the report from the standpoint of Elie at GiveWell (quoting the report): “[F]ew donors do research before they give, and those that do look to the nonprofit itself to provide simple information about efficiency and effectiveness.”

So why do so comparatively few donors do research before they give? And why do donors who do in fact do research seem to place such comparatively little stock in it when they make their giving decisions?

The common reply is that giving is primarily an emotional decision for donors. But are our only two options that some few spectacular donors give rationally while most give irrationally?

Let’s consider for a moment Option C; namely, that giving is not construed primarily by donors as an investment but rather as an act of affiliation.

That is, it’s not that some donors think before they give while other donors just feel. It’s that most donors think about things other than efficiency, effectiveness, and emotion before they give.

They think about affiliation.

ASEA and the Center For Association Leadership first noted this several years ago in a distinct but related context, namely, in writing The Decision to Join: How Individuals Determine Value and Why They Choose to Belong, about how and why people choose to join boards and associations.

As you’ll see in the following quote from a killer August 2007 blog post of theirs, however, affliation is a sorely under-researched and little understood but highly relevant category as it relates to financial giving:

The decision to join an association is more accurately a decision to affiliate. The term “join” implies jumping in, like a party in a pool. “Affiliate” means more than that; it incorporates the notion of shared identity. When people affiliate, they let the world around them know that they share an important quality with a group. It’s not so much a purchase as it is an exchange that starts with identity but eventually evolves into a shared commitment to some common purpose.

It’s not so much a purchase–that’s an insight into this discussion on donor drivers that needs to be injected again and again.

After all, if donations are purchases, then it’s downright puzzling why more donors aren’t making better purchases by investing in efficiency and effectiveness.

But if donations are “exchange[s] that start with identity but eventually evolve into a shared commitment to some common purpose”, then not only does that cast an entirely different light on donor behavior and what donors are seeking to accomplish–quite rationally, we might note–but it also changes how nonprofits must appeal to donors.

When a nonprofit says, “We are efficient and effective and here’s why”, this will indeed prompt some donors to affiliate with the nonprofit. The Hope report can even help us estimate the percentage.

But to appeal to the lion’s share of donors–who start with identity and move to shared commitment–the “Why?” of the nonprofit’s approach is more important than the “How?” or the “What?”

As Simon Sinek notes in Start With Why, that’s not an abandonment of rationality in favor of emotion:

Any organization can explain what it does; some can explain how they do it; but very few can clearly articulate why. WHY is not money or profit– those are always results. WHY does your organization exist? WHY does it do the things it does? WHY do customers really buy from one company or another? WHY are people loyal to some leaders, but not others?

Efficiency and effectiveness are results. Giving, however, is driven by affiliation, and affiliation is driven by the “Why?” question–so much so, in fact, that given the choice between a “Weak Why/Strong What” and a “Strong Why/Weak What”, the Hope report suggests that donors will choose the latter, and in overwhelming numbers.

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Moving Beyond Donor Recency-Frequency-Monetary to Capability

Isn’t there something even a little bit sad about the little old lady in your donor file who has been giving to your nonprofit every month for thirty years…but who is no more skilled at impacting the cause now than she was when she first started giving?

Some might say no. After all, said little old lady scores well on the R/F/M (Recency-Frequency-Monetary) scale traditionally used to segment donors:

  • Recency: She gave this month.
  • Frequency: She gives every month.
  • Monetary: She’s not giving a lot. But there’s always the hope of scoring big in her will.

But there’s something deeper at issue here than whether such a classification scheme is sad (and, uh, morally reprehensible). There’s a question of whether such a classification will be sufficient or even relevant in the near future.

In a lengthy post that’s well worth the read, John Seely Brown and Richard Adler discuss Minds on Fire: Open Education, the Long Tail, and Learning 2.0. (Thanks to Weblogg-ed for the tip.)

Fundraising was probably the furthest thing from Seely Brown and Adler’s minds when they wrote the piece. Properly speaking, it’s about social learning and the future of education in the broadest possible terms. As you read, though, you’ll see how it’s virtually impossible to conceive of the future of fundraising without taking into serious account what the authors have to say.

First, the authors detail the seismic shift in thinking about how people learn. A cornerstone of the system that is passing away is the idea that teachers and learners differ by kind, not degree. That is, we’ve always assumed that in any given setting, one person teaches, the others learn, and crossover in roles is, at most, serendipitous.

This “Cartesian” (Descartes-inspired) way of thinking has a clear carryover to the way we think about fundraising. We think of some folks are “supporters” and some as “supported”–some as doers of the work, so to speak, and some as givers to the work. Or in Facebook terms, you’re either a Cause or a Fan but not both.

But that way of thinking is passing away, if not already dead:

In a traditional Cartesian educational system, students may spend years learning about a subject; only after amassing sufficient (explicit) knowledge are they expected to start acquiring the (tacit) knowledge or practice of how to be an active practitioner/professional in a field. But viewing learning as the process of joining a community of practice reverses this pattern and allows new students to engage in “learning to be” even as they are mastering the content of a field. This encourages the practice of what John Dewey called “productive inquiry”—that is, the process of seeking the knowledge when it is needed in order to carry out a particular situated task.

Did you catch that phrase “learning to be”? It contrasts with “learning about”, as in “Are you newsletters helping your donors learn to be the cause, or do they only help your donors learn about it?”

Mastering a field of knowledge involves not only “learning about” the subject matter but also “learning to be” a full participant in the field. This involves acquiring the practices and the norms of established practitioners in that field or acculturating into a community of practice. Historically, apprenticeship programs and supervised graduate research have provided students with opportunities to observe and then to emulate how experts function. Apprentices traditionally begin learning by taking on simple tasks, under the watchful eye of a master, through a process that has been described as “legitimate peripheral participation”; they then progress to more demanding tasks as their skills improve.

Instead of supporter/supported, in other words, the future bodes best for nonprofits who think in terms of apprentice/master, where the nonprofit is a community of practice where donors engage in what is called “limited peripheral participation”–in other words, they learn to be the cause by getting to do real, actual work that impacts the cause, though initially at a much simpler level than you do it. But the point of “donor cultivation” in this model is to help the donor grow to be the cause at the same level of skill that you are currently at:

Open source communities have developed a well-established path by which newcomers can “learn the ropes” and become trusted members of the community through a process of legitimate peripheral participation. New members typically begin participating in an open source community by working on relatively simple, noncritical development projects such as building or improving software drivers (e.g., print drivers). As they demonstrate their ability to make useful contributions and to work in the distinctive style and sensibilities/taste of that community, they are invited to take on more central projects. Those who become the most proficient may be asked to join the inner circle of people working on the critical kernel code of the system. Today, there are about one million people engaged in developing and refining open source products, and nearly all are improving their skills by participating in and contributing to these networked communities of practice

Writing computer software is one example. For purposes of nonprofit work, the more applicable example given by the authors may be the way people participate in Wikipedia:

Since the open source movement is based on the development of computer software, participation is effectively limited to people with programming skills. But its principles have been adopted by communities dedicated to the creation of other, more widely accessible types of resources. Perhaps the best known example is Wikipedia, the online “open source” encyclopedia that has challenged the supremacy of commercial encyclopedias. Becoming a trusted contributor to Wikipedia involves a process of legitimate peripheral participation that is similar to the process in open source software communities. Any reader can modify the text of an entry or contribute new entries. But only more experienced and more trusted individuals are invited to become “administrators” who have access to higher-level editing tools.

Follow this line of thinking to its logical fundraising conclusion and you have a sea change in the kinds of materials we need to be including in our newsletters, posting on our websites and blogs, and featuring in our banquets and volunteer events:

The openness of Wikipedia is instructive in another way: by clicking on tabs that appear on every page, a user can easily review the history of any article as well as contributors’ ongoing discussion of and sometimes fierce debates around its content, which offer useful insights into the practices and standards of the community that is responsible for creating that entry in Wikipedia. (In some cases, Wikipedia articles start with initial contributions by passionate amateurs, followed by contributions from professional scholars/researchers who weigh in on the “final” versions. Here is where the contested part of the material becomes most usefully evident.) In this open environment, both the content and the process by which it is created are equally visible, thereby enabling a new kind of critical reading—almost a new form of literacy—that invites the reader to join in the consideration of what information is reliable and/or important.

Sum it up and say:

If the involvement of the little old lady in your donor file differs from you in kind rather than in degree–if, that is, you categorize her by RFM rather than by Capacity–your nonprofit may not be around to train the next generation of little old ladies in the future.

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